Former loyalists to Bashar al-Assad who fled Syria after the dictator’s fall are funneling millions of dollars to tens of thousands of potential fighters, hoping to spark uprisings against the new government and reclaim influence, a Reuters investigation has found.
Assad, who escaped to Russia last December, is largely resigned to exile in Moscow, say four people close to the family. But senior figures from his inner circle, including his brother Maher, have not accepted losing power.
Two men once closest to Assad — Maj. Gen. Kamal Hassan and billionaire Rami Makhlouf — are competing to form militias in coastal Syria and Lebanon, recruiting members of the Alawite minority long aligned with the Assad family. Reuters found that the two men and other factions are financing more than 50,000 fighters in hopes of securing their loyalty.
Maher al-Assad, also in Moscow and still in contact with thousands of former soldiers, has yet to offer money or orders, according to the four people close to the family.
A key prize for Hassan and Makhlouf is control of 14 underground command rooms built around coastal Syria toward the end of Assad’s rule, along with weapons caches. Two officers and a regional governor confirmed the existence of these concealed sites, which appear in photos reviewed by Reuters.
Hassan, Assad’s former military intelligence chief, has been sending audio messages to commanders, railing about his lost influence and outlining visions of ruling coastal Syria, home to most of the country’s Alawites.
Makhlouf, a cousin of Assad and once the regime’s chief financier, fell out with the family and spent years under house arrest. He now portrays himself as a quasi-messianic figure destined to return after an apocalyptic final battle.
Neither Hassan nor Makhlouf responded to requests for comment. Bashar and Maher Assad also could not be reached. Attempts to seek comment through intermediaries were unsuccessful.
From Moscow, Hassan and Makhlouf envision a fractured Syria and each wants control of the Alawite-majority coast. Both have spent millions of dollars to build rival forces. Their deputies operate in Russia, Lebanon and the United Arab Emirates.
To counter them, the new Syrian government is deploying another former Assad loyalist: Khaled al-Ahmad, a childhood friend of President Ahmad al-Sharaa who became a paramilitary leader for Assad before switching sides mid-war after the dictator turned against him. His job is to persuade Alawite ex-soldiers and civilians that their future lies with the new Syria.
“This is an extension of the Assad regime’s power struggle,” said Annsar Shahhoud, a researcher who studied the dictatorship for more than a decade. “The competition continues now, but instead of fighting for Assad’s approval, the aim is to replace him and control the Alawite community.”
The findings are based on interviews with 48 people with direct knowledge of the competing plans. Reuters also reviewed financial records, operational documents and message exchanges.
Tartous Gov. Ahmed al-Shami said authorities are aware of the outlines of the plans and ready to counter them. He confirmed the existence of the command-room network but said it has been weakened. “We are certain they cannot do anything effective,” he said.
The Lebanese Interior Ministry and Russia’s Foreign Ministry did not comment. A UAE official said the country will not allow illicit financial flows through its territory.
An uprising could destabilize Syria’s new leadership as the United States and regional powers support al-Sharaa, the former al-Qaeda commander who toppled Assad last December and is now navigating a fractured political landscape. It also risks fueling new sectarian violence.
For now, a successful revolt seems unlikely. Hassan and Makhlouf are bitter rivals, they lack Russian support, and many Alawites mistrust them after years of hardship under Assad. The new government is also working to block their efforts.
In a brief response to Reuters, al-Ahmad said the priority is “healing — uprooting sectarian hatred and honoring the dead — the only path toward a Syria that can live with itself again.”
Rival networks of fighters
Hassan claims control of 12,000 fighters, while Makhlouf claims at least 54,000, according to internal documents. Commanders say fighters receive meager pay and often take money from both camps.
Reuters could not confirm the figures or specific plans. Al-Shami said the number of potential fighters is in the tens of thousands.
People close to the plotters acknowledge that many Alawites could face violent retribution if any revolt is attempted.
The new government came to power after winning the nearly 14-year civil war, which left deep sectarian scars. In March, after a failed uprising in an Alawite town, government-affiliated forces killed nearly 1,500 civilians along the Mediterranean coast.
Hassan and Makhlouf promise to protect Alawites from ongoing insecurity, including kidnappings and near-daily killings.
Alawite anger flared Nov. 25, when thousands protested in Homs and coastal cities, demanding autonomy, the release of detainees and the return of abducted women. It was the largest demonstration since Assad’s fall. A cleric who opposes both Makhlouf and Hassan led the protests; Makhlouf denounced him the next day.
A Hassan coordinator told Reuters that fighting is the only way to restore Alawite dignity. “Perhaps thousands more will die, but the sect must offer sacrificial lambs,” he said.
Early 2025 documents show Assad loyalists drafted plans to form a 5,780-man force supplied from the secret command rooms, which remain stocked with weapons and equipment. Photos show crates of AK-47s, grenades, communications gear and maps.
Al-Shami said the network still exists but poses little threat.
Makhlouf’s operations
Makhlouf, who escaped Assad-era house arrest by fleeing to Lebanon in an ambulance, now lives on a private floor of a luxury Moscow hotel. Relatives say he became deeply religious while detained and wrote a three-volume study of Islamic lore.
He has presented himself as a figure destined to fulfill a Shiite prophecy involving a final battle in Damascus. He calls al-Sharaa “al-Sufyani,” the prophecy’s villain.
Financial records show Makhlouf has transferred money to officers in Lebanon, the UAE and Russia. Internal documents claim he has built an 80-battalion force across Homs, Hama, Tartous and Latakia, though many former Assad soldiers abandoned the fight when the regime fell.
Makhlouf has reportedly spent at least $6 million on salaries, but fighters receive only $20 to $30 a month.
His aides have also sought access to hidden arms caches and discussed purchasing new weapons with smugglers, though Reuters could not confirm any transactions.
Hassan’s network
Hassan, whose intelligence branch was accused of widespread extortion and concealing mass graves, fled first to the UAE embassy and then to the Russian embassy in December 2024. He now lives in a villa outside Moscow.
His aides say he has spent $1.5 million supporting 12,000 fighters in Syria and Lebanon. In voice messages reviewed by Reuters, he vowed to restore Alawite “dignity” and urged fighters not to surrender their arms.
A charity launched in his name has funded housing and support programs as a vehicle for influence. Hassan has also recruited former military-intelligence hackers to attack the new government’s systems; stolen databases later appeared for sale on the dark web.
Maher al-Assad’s ambiguous role
Maher al-Assad controlled both a business empire and the 4th Armored Division, which functioned as a state within a state. Despite exile, thousands of its fighters still view him as their commander.
Maher has not mobilized forces or offered financial backing, though Hassan continues to seek his support. Russia has not backed any of the exiles.
Efforts to win Kremlin support waned after al-Sharaa visited Moscow in October. During the visit, he raised concerns about Hassan and Makhlouf, according to Tartous Gov. al-Shami. Russian and Lebanese authorities indicated they would prevent political activity by the exiles.
A diplomat familiar with the meetings said al-Sharaa’s Kremlin visit “sent a signal to Alawite insurgents: no one abroad is coming to save them.”
Makhlouf appears to be facing cash shortages, with associates saying October salaries have not been transferred.
The government’s counterstrategy
Since March, the government has relied on al-Ahmad to counter the plotting. Once a key Assad-era fixer, he later aligned himself with al-Sharaa. WhatsApp messages reviewed by Reuters show he urged commanders to abandon Assad as the regime collapsed.
Al-Ahmad now divides his time between a Beirut penthouse and a fortified villa in Damascus, working to rebuild trust with the Alawite community and support economic development to address widespread unemployment among former soldiers.
In late October, the Interior Ministry announced the arrest of a coastal cell allegedly funded by Makhlouf and plotting to assassinate journalists and activists. Al-Shami said dozens of people linked to Makhlouf and Hassan have been detained.
Along the coast, underground command rooms remain stocked but unused. “They’ll be ready when needed,” said the commander overseeing several of them. “But for now, there is no side worth choosing.”